The Causes of WWI

The origins of the First World War (1914-18) are many and varied, with some even dating back several decades, but a political assassination in the Balkans in the summer of 1914 was the spark that blew up Europe's political powder keg, that is, the highly volatile mix of imperialistic governments, rising nationalism, and the obligations of a complex web of international alliances that characterised European diplomacy in the early 20th century.

The consensus of most historians today is that WWI was not started by a single nation, but that the coming of war was, in the end, the collective responsibility of all parties involved, that is the pre-war Triple Alliance of Germany, Italy, and Austria-Hungary and the Triple Entente (aka the Allies) of Great Britain, France, and Russia. Other states that joined the conflict at various stages include Belgium, Japan, the Ottoman Empire, Bulgaria, Greece, Portugal, and the United States, as well as colonies of the various European powers in Africa, the Middle East, and Asia. The first global war, the first wholly mechanised war, and the first arrival of total war, this dreadful conflict ended in 1918 and claimed over 8 million lives.

The main causes of WWI were:

• The rise of a unified Germany
• The imbalance of power in 20th-century Europe
• An arms race between the major powers
• The rise in European imperialism and rivalry in Africa and Asia
• The increase in opposing international alliances
• The rise in nationalism in Central Europe
• The assassination of Archduke Ferdinand

All of the above factors contributed to the outbreak of a conflict that "was really the culmination of a long drawn-out crisis within the European system" (McDonough, 3). The exact weight of each of the above causes remains a point of debate amongst historians.

The Rise of Germany

Germany as a state was born in 1871, following the Prussian victory over France in the Franco-Prussian War (1870-1) and the unification of the German states. Unified Germany had a large, disciplined, and highly trained army and fast-growing navy (it would be the second largest in the world after Britain by 1914), a powerful economic base (in fact, the fastest growing economy in Europe), and a booming population (rising from 49 to 66 million between 1890 and 1914). Suddenly, there was a new power in Central Europe that could challenge the other established powers, notably Britain, France, Russia, and the Austro-Hungarian Empire. The 'German Question' now arose, that is, a debate over what Germany's future foreign policy might be and how this would affect the balance of power in Europe.

German politics was dominated by its first chancellor, Otto von Bismarck (1815-1898), who held power from 1871 to 1890. Bismarck's approach to foreign policy was to reassure other powers that Germany was satisfied with its present position and status in Europe. Nevertheless, a series of international alliances were formed both with and against Germany as the 19th century came to a close.

Europe's Delicate Balance of Power

In 1872, Germany, Russia, and Austria-Hungary signed an alliance that became known as the League of the Three Emperors. In 1879, Germany and Austria-Hungary signed another treaty, the Dual Alliance, which obliged each one to defend the other should they be attacked by Russia. The Dual Alliance had the unfortunate consequence that Austria-Hungary now felt confident enough to take a harsher approach to the evermore troublesome nationalist movements in the Balkans. Meanwhile, Bismarck continued to flourish his diplomatic pen and signed yet another treaty in 1882, the Triple Alliance between Germany, Italy, and Austria-Hungary. Bismarck was actually playing a double game, since he also signed a secret pact with Russia that promised the Tsar would not interfere if Germany attacked France. In the other direction, Germany promised to remain neutral if Russia attacked Austria-Hungary. The Re-Insurance Treaty with Russia, as it was known, also included a promise that Germany would support Russia's interests in the Balkans.

The Balkans Crisis of the 19th Century

The rise of nationalist groups and their call for self-determination, particularly in Central Europe, threatened the stability of the larger European states from the last quarter of the 19th century. This was particularly so in the Balkans, with nationalist sentiments creating a crisis in Bulgaria in 1876. Various nationalist groups in Bulgaria, then part of the ailing Ottoman Empire, were calling for greater religious toleration and even some form of self-government. A rebellion broke out, which was supported by nationalists in Serbia and Montenegro. Russia, hoping to destabilise the region for its own future gains, also supported the Bulgarian nationalists. War broke out between the Russian and Ottoman empires in 1877 and ended in victory for the former one year later.

The 1878 Treaty of San Stefano, which concluded the conflict in the Balkans, had certain significant repercussions. Bulgaria gained independence in all but name, territories were redistributed to the benefit of Russia, Serbia, and Romania, and Bosnia-Herzegovina was promised political reforms. Both Austria-Hungary and Britain, however, regarded the treaty as giving too much influence in the region to Russia. To ease these concerns between all interested parties, Bismarck organised a congress in Berlin, and the subsequent Treaty of Berlin was signed in 1878, which guaranteed the independence of Serbia, Montenegro, and Romania, allowed Russia to keep its territorial gains, and permitted Austria-Hungary to administrate Bosnia-Herzegovina. Bulgaria was made an autonomous and Christian-governed principality within the Ottoman Empire. The Ottomans had kept a slice of Bulgaria under their control, but these regions soon demanded they join the rest of the principality. Russia tried to grab more land in the diplomatic chaos, a move Bismarck halted by backing the Austro-Hungarians. Germany's stance effectively ended the treaties previously signed with Russia.

Bismarck may have sought peace through diplomacy, but from 1890, his successors were prepared to try more dramatic measures to increase the power of Germany. The Balkans would once again become a centre of world attention with another diplomatic crisis in the summer of 1914, but before that, the Great Powers began to jostle for territory on an entirely different continent.

Imperialism in Africa

From around 1880 to 1914, various European powers grabbed whatever territory they could in Africa, a process of colonisation known as the 'scramble for Africa'. Some land grabs were about protecting trade routes, others were to ensure a rival did not get too close to or acquire precious natural resources, and then there were escapades for mere prestige where leaders could increase their popularity at home. By the early 20th century, 90% of the continent was under some sort of European control. Britain and France also had colonial interests in Asia, another battleground that brought in newer imperialist participants such as the United States, Russia, and Japan. None of these events directly influenced the outbreak of WWI, but they did contribute significantly to an atmosphere of rivalry between the Great Powers, and the scramble for colonies certainly promoted the attitude amongst European leaders and populations alike that smaller countries could be absorbed by larger ones with impunity.

The Kaiser's World Policy

Kaiser Wilhelm II (1859-1941) came to power as emperor of Germany in 1888 (and reigned until 1918), and he pushed for yet more territorial and military expansion in order to secure the natural resources Germany's booming economy demanded. This new policy was called 'World Policy' or Weltpolitik. Wilhelm II's chancellor Bernhard von Bülow (1849-1929) and the naval minister Admiral Alfred von Tirpitz (1849-1930) were both in wholehearted agreement with this policy, which had the added advantage of distracting the population from domestic problems (such as the weakening of the power of the Junker Prussian landowners in the ongoing process of industrialisation and democratisation). Popular support for the policy was whipped up by a jingoistic press. The policy of Weltpolitik only worsened the pervading instability in international relations. As the historian F. McDonough states: "The policy created a great deal of tension, accomplished very little, and soured international relations" (9). As the historian D. Khan adds: "From the 1890s imperial Germany was a fundamentally dissatisfied power, eager to disrupt the status quo and to achieve its expansive goals, by bullying if possible, by war if necessary" (209). In short, Germany was now widely seen as enemy number one when it came to world peace.

Countries began to form alliances to counter Germany's rising power, notably the Franco-Russian military alliance of 1894, which promised mutual aid should they be attacked by Germany, Italy, or Austria-Hungary. Nor was this threat hypothetical. In 1905, the German general Alfred von Schlieffen (1833-1913) devised a plan to avoid fighting on two fronts by first attacking France and then turning to Russia. At the same time, Russian generals formulated plans on how best to attack Austria-Hungary and Germany. French generals formed attack plans for a campaign against Germany. Britain was also suspicious of German armament. Britain had been involved, too, in a rivalry with France in Africa, and with Russia, over interests in Central Asia and the North West Frontier of British India, in what became known as the Great Game. In 1904, Britain and France signed the Entente Cordiale, which removed conflicts of interest in Africa and Asia but did not cover mutual assistance in the case of a war in Europe. In 1907, the Anglo-Russian Convention was signed, which diffused tensions over imperial claims to Afghanistan, Tibet, and Persia (modern Iran). Gradually then, the three great powers of Britain, France, and Russia, often called the Triple Entente, were manoeuvring themselves into a united front against Germany. Still, the Kaiser pressed on with his Weltpolitik, threatening French North Africa and ramping up the naval arms race with Britain, a competition that the latter would not back down from as it saw German battleships as a distinct threat to its empire across the globe.

The Balkans Crisis of 1914

It was to the Balkans that once more the eyes of European diplomats turned anxiously in 1908. Austria-Hungary, fearing the growing influence of reformists, annexed Bosnia-Herzegovina in October 1908. The Russian Tsar protested. The German Kaiser made it clear he was prepared to fight to support Austria-Hungary. In 1911, more German interference in French Morocco, in an incident known as the Agadir Crisis, further heightened the tensions between the European powers. Britain supported France. Germany backed down but gained a slice of Congo as compensation. In 1912, Britain and France strengthened their alliance with the former promising the formation of an expeditionary force to be sent to France. Britain, France, and Russia also signed naval agreements with each other. The Kaiser and the German press now talked of Germany being encircled by enemies.

Back in the Balkans, as states sought to break free from the crumbling Ottoman Empire, the key player was Serbia. Here, the ruling monarchy was against interference from the Ottoman and the Austro-Hungarian empires but pro-Russian. The Serbian government even wanted to create a new coalition of Slavic states, and the forerunner of this ambition was the Balkan League, formed in 1912. The League, which consisted of Serbia, Bulgaria, Montenegro, and Greece, declared war on the Ottoman Empire in October 1912 and successfully drove the Turks out of the region. This was the First Balkan War, but it ended in bitter disappointment for the Serbians since Albania and access to the Adriatic Sea were denied to them by the 1913 Treaty of London. Greece and Bulgaria were also frustrated by their lack of significant territorial gains. Perhaps inevitably, a Second Balkan War erupted in June 1913. Bulgaria invaded Serbia, and Greece, Romania, and Turkey then declared war on Bulgaria. Bulgaria lost the war, and the 1913 Treaty of Bucharest reshuffled the Balkan borders once again. Ominously, Serbia still had not gained its wished-for Adriatic port, and this was a state with an army of 200,000 men, which continued to pose a direct threat to Austria-Hungary, which, given its poor military status, was dependent on Germany to protect the status quo.

The Assassination of Franz Ferdinand

Archduke Franz Ferdinand (1863-1914), heir to the Habsburg throne, which ruled Austria-Hungary, took the fateful decision to visit Bosnia's capital, Sarajevo, in the summer of 1914. Sarajevo was a hotbed of local nationalism and was not at all the best choice of destination, but the tour was made as part of Franz Ferdinand's duties as Inspector General of the Austro-Hungarian army. Unwisely, the archduke chose to tour the city in an open-top car on 28 June. As the car slowed to meet a crowd, a young Bosnian Serb nationalist, Gavrilo Princip (1894-1918), stepped out and shot dead both the archduke and his wife, Countess Sophie Chotek. Princip's gun had been supplied by a Serbian nationalist group, the Black Hand. The Austrian-Hungarian emperor, Franz Joseph I (reign 1848-1916), the archduke's uncle, was understandably outraged. The Serbian government was promptly blamed for the assassination. Franz Joseph sought the backing of Germany for his plan to take over Serbia; the Kaiser gave this on 6 July in what has been described as a 'blank cheque' freedom of action notice. All this was despite the obvious threat that Russia would not permit a war against Serbia and would likely intervene, which in turn, might well draw in Britain and France through their treaty obligations.

War Breaks Out

The Kaiser and his generals were extremely anxious to put their Schlieffen Plan into immediate operation: attack France quickly and with overwhelming force, and then turn on Russia rather than face both enemies at once. The key to the plan was for German troops to move through neutral Belgium, thereby circumventing France's defensive fortifications on the Franco-German border. Permission was asked for this on 2 August; Belgium refused. Britain had hoped to remain neutral in a continental war but was obliged to uphold Belgian neutrality via a treaty the two states had previously signed. In any case, Britain could not stand by and see France crushed and a new Europe formed that was totally dominated by Germany. Britain informed the German government that a mobilisation through Belgium would result in Britain declaring war on Germany. On 3 August, German troops marched through Belgium, and Germany formally declared war on France (and vice-versa). On 4 August, Britain declared war on Germany. On 6 August, Austria-Hungary declared war on Russia, and Serbia declared war on Germany. On 10 August, France declared war on Austria-Hungary; Britain followed suit on 12 August. A teenage assassin had sparked off a complex chain of events that culminated in the First World War, the first truly global conflict and history's first total war.

Around 8 million combatants died in the First World War. The conflict, known at the time as the Great War, ended in victory for Britain, France, and Italy, and resulted in the destruction of four empires: the Austro-Hungarian, Russian, Ottoman, and German empires. The Treaty of Versailles, which formally concluded peace, specifically blamed Germany and its allies for starting the war, although historians prefer nowadays to apportion a collective responsibility to all parties for their excessive nationalism, hyperaggressive foreign policies, and missed diplomatic opportunities.

Although WWI was described as the "war to end all wars", the world would soon enough suffer an even bigger conflict in 1939 with the outbreak of the Second World War. Many historians regard the unresolved territorial disputes of WWI and the harsh terms of the Treaty of Versailles as major causes of WWII, which, by its close in 1945, had caused around 50 million deaths, the end of empires, and a new world order dominated by the USA and the USSR.